• By Sharon Leslie Morgan

    DNAAs a genealogist, DNA has intrigued me ever since its first promotion as a consumer product in 2003. That was the year Dr. Rick Kittles launched African Ancestry, a company that specializes in uncovering the genetic origins of people of African descent. It marked twenty-eight years into my personal research into a family tree that winds from the backwoods of Mississippi and Alabama through a Great Migration terminus in Chicago. All along the way, one thing I longed to know more than anything else was the root of my continental African origins. This was in spite of the tangled morass of genes that include a copious assortment of Europeans that resulted in me looking more white than many white people I know.

    This week, as I read The Social Life of DNA: Race, Reparations, and Reconciliation After the Genome (Beacon Press, 2016) by Alondra Nelson, my curiosity was rewarded in spades. To say this book is fascinating would be a gross understatement. In a short 166 pages, Nelson deconstructs the double helix of DNA as she “tells the compelling, unexpected, and still unfolding story of how genetics came to rest at the center of our collective conversation about the troubled history of race in America.” In the process, she sheds light on the people, places, and subjects I have studied for a lifetime but never before been able to make adequate sense of in relation to my individual and communal genealogical mission.

    Like many people, especially those engaged in genealogical research, my relentless quest is fueled by a longing to know: Who am I? Where did I come from? What were my ancestors like? What have I inherited from my predecessors? What does that mean in our world today? Nelson addresses that longing by saying “Genetics has become a medium through which the unsettled past is reconciled.” And then, she goes further: “…DNA has become an agent in the politics of repair and reconciliation; it is sought after as communal balm and social glue, as a burden of proof and a bridge across time.”

    As far as I know, African Americans are the only people in the world who were transmogrified. We started off as people rooted in established communities bonded by family ties, shared culture and language. Via the Middle Passage and its ensuing horrors on American shores, we ended up as dehumanized chattel, disconnected and lost from our origins.

    After reading Nelson’s book, I wanted to know even more. Thanks to Beacon Press, I had the opportunity to interview the author for further insights.

    On her personal genealogical efforts, Nelson said, “The results of my family research have been both enlightening and heartening. Ever since I was a little girl, I was the person in my family who was insatiably curious about genealogy and was willing to do the research. One great discovery was a profile in The Times-Picayune newspaper of my paternal great-great grandmother Cora on the occasion of her hundredth birthday. I also learned more about my paternal Jamaican roots. My quest to find my ancestors is one of the inspirations that led me to become a scholar.”

    On DNA, Nelson says: “Genetic testing is a different kind of knowledge and history from conventional genealogy. It may be complimentary to archival research, but the genetic and archival puzzle pieces don’t necessarily connect to one another.

    “In my own case, I had my mitochondrial DNA analyzed and received an inferred connection to the Bamileke people of Cameroun. While this information hasn’t been transformative for me, it made me think a lot more about Cameroun and pay attention to current events there. I shared these results with my parents and my mother’s ensuing efforts led to our family being connected with a Camerounian family here in the United States.”

    In spite of that positive outcome, “There is much to criticize about genetic ancestry testing companies, including a lack of transparency about their proprietary databases and the inability to verify or replicate results—a hallmark of scientific research. Consumers are left to accept companies’ claims as to the size and robustness of their databases and the relevance of their results. However, in my research, I found that the possibilities of what they offer imbue people with an incredible amount of hope.”

    So what, I asked, is the outlook for how DNA can contribute to conversations about racial reconciliation? Nelson responded by saying, “In the reparations class action suit I write about, the courts want more specific genealogy than what genetic ancestry testing can currently offer. Getting to a place where there is not a gap between archival research and genetic testing would be a definite improvement. We may never be able to get over the technical hurdles, but the even more salient issues are historical amnesia and ideological barriers. The idea of racial reconciliation involves philosophical, ethical, and spiritual considerations and not merely technical ones. The era of plantation slavery was unjust and is cemented into very foundation of the United States. We need to be willing to have a national conversation that encompasses all of these facets—perhaps encouraged by legislation—that will allow social healing to take place.”

    Nelson’s advice is: “Genealogy is one way to shine a bright light on racial slavery and its contemporary manifestations and to show that both whites and blacks share this bitter inheritance. Do your paper research and, if you are so inclined, get your genetic ancestry testing results. When genetic analysis of African diasporic remains were pioneered at the African Burial Ground in Lower Manhattan, many hoped that genetic testing might become a ‘public good’—available for free and disseminated to all who were interested. Maybe that is one way—with a transparent and robust scientific process and ethical safeguards in place—to catalyze this most necessary conversation.”

    Back to my own story. When I wrote Gather at the Table: The Healing Journey of a Daughter of Slavery and a Son of the Slave Trade (Beacon Press, 2012), my goal was to heal from the ravages of slavery that continue to plague America today in the form of huge disparities in health, wealth, and life expectancy, rates of which are all significantly lower for blacks than whites. I united with a most unlikely co-author, Tom DeWolf, a descendant of the most successful slave trading dynasty in American history.

    Like Nelson, DNA testing for family members who are direct line descendants of people I know were enslaved eventually took me back to Africa. One male line landed in the Mandinka tribe of West Africa. A female line traced back to the Makua tribe of the East. (Tom was disappointed in his testing because he did not find even “one drop” of African genes in his family tree.)

    Even though my book was a profound and rewarding exercise in individual transformation, I still need a way forward for how to use my learnings for social benefit in support of my belief that we “empower our future by honoring our past.” Alondra Nelson has given wings to that ambition.

    My disclaimer is that I continue to be paranoid about the possibilities of DNA being used as a pejorative measure of social value for black people. Knowing America’s history, it is not possible for me to unequivocally advise DNA testing for all.

    The best I can say is: READ THIS BOOK!

     

    About the Author 

    Sharon Leslie Morgan is a nationally recognized pioneer in multicultural marketing and co-author of Gather at the Table: The Healing Journey of a Daughter of Slavery and a Son of the Slave Trade (Beacon Press, 2012). An avid genealogist, she blogs extensively and is the founder of OurBlackAncestry.com, a website devoted to African American family research.

  • By Christopher Emdin

    School deskThis essay appeared originally in HuffPost Black Voices.

    My phone buzzes one more time. I look over at the glowing screen to see that I have been tagged once more in the Ron Clark dance video from his school in Atlanta. I nod, give a half smile at the screen, and continue on my school visits. Today, I’m in the Bronx, and am working with a group of students who are researching cell division so they can add a layer of complexity to their rap song on mitosis and meiosis. The three young men I am sitting with are concerned because the simple rhyme scheme they have developed thus far isn’t going to cut it. This realization hits after they overhear a pair of young ladies perform their rap on the reproductive system that cites recent research in biology and comes replete with choreographed dance moves to match the verse. My phone buzzes again. I am tagged in the Ron Clark video again. My response this time is two fold. My first is: Damn, this white boy got some rhythm. The second is: I feel sorry for anyone who thinks they’re just gon’ “Hit the Quan” to academic success. The fact is, if you ain’t got Clarks rhythm, and the structures are not in place to support and validate such a transgressive approach to teaching, you will fail miserably. In fact, you may end up doing much more of a disservice to the students than a traditional school would. Ron Clark works at a school that is named after him with a certain funding structure, certain rules of conduct, and very particular philosophies. If you do not have any of these structures in place, or any strategies for circumventing the ones you are bound by, I feel bad for you son…You’ve got ninety-nine problems and Hittin’ the Quan in school is one.

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  • By Cornel West

    MLK Memorial

    MLK Memorial. Photo credit: Flickr user angela n.

    Every year, Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., is celebrated as one of the greatest orators in US history, an ambassador for nonviolence who became perhaps the most recognizable leader of the civil rights movement. But after more than forty years, few people appreciate how truly radical he was. For Martin Luther King, Jr. Day, we present to you an excerpt of Cornel West’s introduction to The Radical King—now available in paperback—a collection of Dr. King's writings curated by Dr. West. In it, he unearths the Dr. King the FBI and the US government knew to be radical, every bit as radical as Malcolm X.

    ***

    The FBI transcript of a June 27, 1964, phone conversation reveals Malcolm X receiving a message from Martin Luther King, Jr. This message supported the idea of getting the human rights declaration of the United Nations to expose the unfair, vicious treatment of black people in America. Malcolm X replied that he was eager to meet Martin Luther King, Jr.—as soon as the next afternoon. If they had met that day and worked together, the radical King would be well known.

    In a speech to staff in 1966, King explained: “There must be a better distribution of wealth and maybe America must move toward a democratic socialism.” If he had lived and pursued this project, the radical King would be well known.

    On April 4, 1968, in Memphis—the last day of his life—Martin Luther King, Jr., phoned Ebenezer Baptist Church in Atlanta with the title of his Sunday sermon: “Why America May Go to Hell.” If he had preached this sermon, the radical King would be well known.

    Yet in Dr. King’s own time, he would say repeatedly, “I am nevertheless greatly saddened…that the inquirers have not really known me, my commitment, or my calling.” It is no accident that just prior to King’s death, 72 percent of whites and 55 percent of blacks disapproved of his opposition to the Vietnam War and his efforts to eradicate poverty in America. When much of the black leadership attacked or shunned him, King replied, “What you’re saying may get you a foundation grant but it won’t get you into the kingdom of truth.”

    In short, Martin Luther King, Jr., refused to sell his soul for a mess of pottage. He refused to silence his voice in his quest for unarmed truth and unconditional love. For King, the condition of truth was to allow suffering to speak; for him, justice was what love looks like in public. In King’s eyes, too many black leaders sacrificed the truth for access to power or reduced sacrificial love and service to selfish expediency and personal gain. This spiritual blackout among black leaders resulted in their use and abuse by the white political and economic establishment that constituted a kind of “conspiracy against the poor.” This spiritual blackout—this lack of integrity and courage—primarily revealed a deep fear, failure of nerve, and spinelessness on behalf of black leaders. They too often were sycophants, cheerleaders, or bootlickers for big monied interests, even as the boots were crushing poor and working people. In stark contrast to this cowardice, King stated to his staff, “I’d rather be dead than afraid.”

    Although much of America did not know the radical King—and too few know today—the FBI and US government did. They called him “the most dangerous man in America.” They knew Reverend King was a revolutionary Christian, sincere in his commitment and serious in his calling. They knew he was a product of a black prophetic tradition, full of fire in his bones, love in his heart, light in his mind, and courage in his soul. Martin Luther King, Jr., was the major threat to the US government and the American establishment because he dared to organize and mobilize black rage over past and present crimes against humanity targeting black folk and other oppressed people.

    Any such black awakening can either yield hatred and revenge or love and justice. This is why the prophetic words of Rabbi Abraham Joshua Heschel still haunt us: “The whole future of America will depend upon the impact and influence of Dr. King.” The fundamental question is: Does America have the capacity to hear and heed the radical King or must America sanitize King in order to evade and avoid his challenge?

    King indeed had a dream. But it was not the American dream. King’s dream was rooted in the American Dream—it was what the quest for life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness looked like for people enslaved and Jim Crowed, terrorized, traumatized, and stigmatized by American laws and American citizens. The litmus test for realizing King’s dream was neither a black face in the White House nor a black presence on Wall Street. Rather, the fulfillment of his dream was for all poor and working people to live lives of decency and dignity.

    King’s dream of a more free and democratic America and world had morphed into, in his words, “a nightmare,” owing to the persistence of “racism, poverty, militarism, and materialism.” He called America a “sick society.” At one point, King cried out in despair, “I have found out that all that I have been doing in trying to correct this system in America has been in vain. I am trying to get at the roots of it to see just what ought to be done. The whole thing will have to be done away with.” He said to his dear brother Harry Belafonte days before his, King’s, death, “Are we integrating into a burning house?” He was weary of pervasive economic injustice, cultural decay, and political paralysis. He was not an American Gibbon chronicling the decline and fall of the American empire but a courageous and visionary Christian blues man, fighting with style and love in the face of the four catastrophes he identified, which are still with us today.

    The radical King was a warrior for peace on the domestic and global battlefields. He was a staunch anti-colonial and anti-imperial thinker and fighter. His revolutionary commitment to nonviolent resistance in America and abroad tried to put a brake on the escalating militarism running amok across the globe. As a decade-long victim of the vicious and vindictive FBI, King was a radical libertarian as well as having closeted democratic socialist leanings. His commitment to the precious rights and liberties for all was profound.

    For King, dissent did not mean disloyalty—in fact, dissent was a high form of patriotism. When he said that the US government was “the greatest purveyor of violence in the world today,” he was not trashing America. He was telling the painful truth about a country he loved. King was never anti-American; he was always anti-injustice in America and anywhere else. Love of truth and love of country could go hand-in-hand. Needless to say, under the policies of the National Security Agency and Obama administration, King could have been subject to detention without trial and assassination by executive decree (owing to his links to “terrorists” of his day, such as Nelson Mandela).

    The radical King was a spiritual giant who tried to shatter the callousness and indifference of his fellow citizens. Following his dear friend and comrade Rabbi Abraham Joshua Heschel, King believed that indifference to evil is more evil than evil itself. And materialism, with its attendants hedonism and egotism, produces sleepwalkers bereft of compassion and zombies deficient in love. This spiritual crisis is not reducible to politics or economics. It is rooted in the relative decline of integrity, honesty, decency, and virtue, due in large part to the role of big money in American life. This coldhearted obsession with manipulation and domination drives our ecological catastrophe-in-the-making and our possible military Armageddon.

    The radical King was a moral titan with profound allegiance to his roots—the black prophetic tradition and black freedom struggle. His genuine commitment to the dignity of whites, as well as to peoples of all hues, never overshadowed or downplayed his deep commitment to black people. For King, the struggle against the legacy of white supremacy was never a strategic move or tactical afterthought; rather, it was a profound existential and moral matter of great urgency. King knew that white supremacy, in various forms, was a global phenomenon. It remains shot through our hearts and minds, institutions and structures, smart phones and unwise politicians. The modes of racist domination—from barbaric slavery to bestial Jim Crow, Sr., to cruel Jim Crow, Jr.—are never reducible to individual prejudice or personal bias. Empire, white supremacy, capitalism, patriarchy, and homophobia are linked in complex ways, and our struggles against them require moral consistency and systemic analyses.

    The radical King was a democratic socialist who sided with poor and working people in the class struggle taking place in capitalist societies. This class struggle may be visible or invisible, manifest or latent. But it rages on in a fight over resources, power, and space. In the past thirty years we have witnessed a top-down, one-sided class war against poor and working people in the name of a morally bankrupt policy of deregulating markets, lowering taxes, and cutting spending for those who are already socially neglected and economically abandoned. America’s two main political parties, each beholden to big money, offer merely alternative versions of oligarchic rule. The radical King was neither Marxist nor communist, but he did understand the role of class analysis in his focus on poor and working people. He always had a healthy suspicion of all politicians—of any color—owing to his critique of legalized bribery and normalized corruption in money-saturated American politics. He noted, “I have come to think of my role as one which operates outside the realm of partisan politics…I feel I should serve as a conscience of all the parties and all of the people.” This critical attitude toward politicians was deepened when he worked to register thousands of people to elect the first black mayor in modern times, Carl Stokes, in Cleveland in 1967, yet was uninvited to join the stage for the victory celebration.

    The response of the radical King to our catastrophic moment now can be put in one word: revolution—a revolution in our priorities, a reevaluation of our values, a reinvigoration of our public life, and a fundamental transformation of our way of thinking and living that promotes a transfer of power from oligarchs and plutocrats to everyday people and ordinary citizens.

    His revolutionary witness—embodied in anti-imperial, anti-colonial, anti-racist, and democratic socialist sentiments—was grounded in his courage to think, his courage to love, and his courage to die. Could it be that we know so little of the radical King because such courage defies our market-driven world?

     

    About the Author 

    Cornel West is a prominent and provocative democratic intellectual. He graduated magnum cum laude from Harvard and obtained his MA and PhD in philosophy at Princeton. He has taught at Union Theological Seminary (where he has recently returned to teach), Yale, Harvard, Princeton, and the University of Paris. He has written nineteen books and edited thirteen books. He is best known for his classic Race Matters, published by Beacon Press in 1993. His latest books are Black Prophetic Fire, which offers a fresh perspective on six revolutionary African American leaders (Frederick Douglass, W. E. B. Du Bois, Martin Luther King Jr., Ella Baker, Malcolm X, and Ida B. Wells) and The Radical King, a collection of MLK's writings curated and introduced by Prof. West to reclaim Dr. King's prophetic and radical vision as both a civil rights leader and—more broadly—as a human right activist. Both books were published by Beacon Press. Follow him on Twitter at @CornelWest.

  • By Deborah Chasman

    Sidney MintzI’ll never forget meeting Sid Mintz, who passed away last month. I was a young(ish) book editor at Beacon Press, hoping to develop our anthropology list. Why not start at the top? Years earlier, Sid had transformed the fields of both history and anthropology with the publication of Sweetness and Power, which was no less than a retelling of the rise of capitalism through the story of sugar. Sid invited me to lunch at the Baltimore Museum of Art. I was nervous.

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  • By Aviva Chomsky

    Boston Globe delivery workers protest

    Boston Globe delivery workers protest

    Click here to sign the petition demanding better working conditions for the Boston Globe delivery workers.

    If you live anywhere near the Boston area, you’ve probably heard or read something about the Boston Globe’s recent delivery debacle. Since the newspaper contracted with a new delivery company starting December 28, the entire delivery system collapsed, and subscribers have been puzzled and furious that their daily newspaper has vanished with little explanation and little hope for restoration any time soon.

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  • By Rev. Dr. William J. Barber II with Jonathan Wilson-Hartgrove

    Rev. Dr. William J. Barber speaking at a Moral Monday rally

    Rev. Dr. William J. Barber speaking at a Moral Monday rally. Photo credit: Flickr user twbuckner

    The Third Reconstruction, written by the Reverend Dr. William J. Barber II with Jonathan Wilson-Hartgrove, is out today. In his memoir, Reverend Barber tells the stirring story of how he helped start a state-by-state movement—uniting black, white, and brown; rich and poor; employed and unemployed; gay and straight; documented and undocumented; religious and secular—to bridge America’s racial divide. Only through such a diverse fusion movement, he argues, can we make progress toward ending racial and economic injustice. The Third Reconstruction is as much a blueprint for community activism as it is an inspiring call to action from one our most compelling grassroots organizers. At the end of the book, Reverend Barber provides fourteen steps for building a social justice movement.

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  • By Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz

    Malheur National Wildlife Refuge Headquarters

    Headquarters for the Malheur National Wildlife Refuge. Photo credit: Cacophony

    Two polarized positions mark the ongoing debate in the United States over gun violence, mass killings, and armed citizen militias, such as the militias that seized federal land in Oregon on January 2. These positions rest on the text and interpretation of the Second Amendment of the US Constitution: A well regulated militia being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the People to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed. The gun lobby and its constituency argue that the Second Amendment guarantees the right for every citizen to bear arms, while gun control advocates maintain that the Second Amendment is about states having a militia, emphasizing the language of “well regulated,” and that this is manifest in the existing National Guard.

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  • A Q&A with Lisa Kotin

    Chocolate cake

    Today, we wish a Happy Publication Day to writer, director, and performance artist Lisa Kotin and her darkly humorous memoir My Confection! In My Confection, Kotin tells her coming-of-age tale through her sugar addiction and binge eating. We caught with up her to ask about the impact of her writing on her relationships with food, her family, and her recovery, the impetus of sharing her story, how she sought help to get well, and the healing process.

    My Confection and your previous performance pieces draw on your experiences with food and with your family. How has writing and performing helped or hindered you in repairing your relationships with both? 

    Since the age of five, performing my plays has been one of the best ways for me to express myself to my family. Some years ago I performed my show “Beyond the Fridge” in Santa Barbara. This was by far my most personal show, about my struggle with sugar and self-image. While I could never talk to my parents directly about my struggle, it was very freeing to express it to them from the stage. In all my shows, they never took the material personally. They loved my work, which really helped repair a lot of my old scars. After all I went through with my addiction, with my body, with sugar, as an audience they were able to watch, listen and appreciate me. The inherent fourth wall of theatre and the fact that I was playing a character helped them easily digest the material, whereas the written word may have been tough for them to swallow. I don’t think I would have been able to publish My Confection while my parents were still alive. And while my siblings have always enjoyed my shows, I understand this is a tougher view for them. After my sister Lauren, with whom I have the best, most honest relationship, read the book, I was shocked to hear her say, “I had no idea how much pain you were in.” She also wanted me to know that, regarding the part where I am bingeing on cake and my mother asks me to “save some for Lauren,” according to my sister my mother was always telling her to "save some for Lisa.” (Because don’t we all know, there are two sides to every story.)

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  • 20152015 has been, to say the least, rather momentous, and continues to be as it draws to a close. We at Beacon Press are so grateful to our brilliant authors who have offered their time and insights to analyze and comment on this year's events. Their posts—with topics ranging from race to cultural or class dynamics and to the environment—have been, if you will, a true beacon for the Broadside. Before we bid farewell to 2015, we would like to share a collection of some our most-read posts. This list is by no means exhaustive. Make sure to peruse our archives. You can expect to see more thought-provoking essays and commentary from our contributors in 2016. Happy New Year!

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  • HolidaysaleWhat’s your News Years resolution? To read more books, of course! But where to start? Why not with our bestsellers? For your perusal, we’ve put together a list of our bestsellers this year. We are so thrilled that some of these titles that have appeared on best-of lists, have won and have been nominated for awards! You can get these titles, as well as all our other titles, for 30% off using code HOLIDAY30 through December 31st. You still have time. Check out our website.

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